Hanna Avchinnikava: "Change will begin with Lukashenko's departure"

Hanna Avchinnikava is an activist from Minsk. Since 2020, she has been helping political prisoners in Belarus, and for the last six months, she has continued this work in exile. Due to political persecution, she and her family were forced to leave their home country. We spoke with Hanna Avchinnikava about life in Lithuania, solidarity, and the prospects for the liberation of Belarus.

– What were you doing in 2020?

– After the elections, I got involved in the recall of deputy Marina Shkrob. We collected signatures for her recall and went to meetings with her. This was related to what had happened during the protests. Then neighborhood activism began—I started helping political prisoners, probably from September. When people were arrested, we started helping them—Zhodzina, Akrestsina, Valadarka.

– How did life unfold for you after 2020?

– After 2020, I focused on helping political prisoners. It turned out that I started writing letters and received many responses. By the time the war began, I had written and received a lot of letters, around 1,300. Many people wrote to me, sent postcards, so I developed a lot of contacts with the families of political prisoners. I got in touch with them. We helped their families with packages, raised funds, bought things and food. People joined in, and everything went smoothly.

– At what point did you stop receiving replies from prisoners?

– I received about 10% of the letters I sent, which is quite a lot. After the war started, I was only corresponding with one political prisoner. He is still in prison, but we are able to exchange letters. It’s not as stable, but over the years we’ve exchanged around 80 letters.

– How do you explain why letters reach one prisoner but not others?

– I have no idea. I spoke with his mother, and she doesn’t know either. Maybe he added me to some list of relatives. Or perhaps he simply paid someone... because our correspondence is very important to him. Interestingly, he has been in both the colony and under prison conditions, and I’ve been able to write to him the entire time.

– Can you tell about your arrest? Was it during the raid on relatives of political prisoners this January?

– I was held in Akrestsina, and everyone there was like me. Only Olga Takarchuk’s mother was a relative of a political prisoner. They did come for the relatives of political prisoners, but not everyone was taken. I don’t know why it was reported that this was a raid on relatives because many people were detained for providing assistance.

I was arrested with my husband near the Proletarskaya metro station. They had been following me since the morning. We were seized as we were approaching our car. They introduced themselves, showed IDs. I don’t remember what was written there, but they said they were KGB officers and asked us to get into the car. I asked for a moment to catch my breath and said I needed to grab some things from the car. I sat, calmed down, and then went with them.

They started asking questions about my husband’s eldest son from his first marriage, who lives in Russia, and whether we were in contact. I realized immediately that they were trying to throw me off because I knew that things were tense across Belarus that day. I understood that I was arrested for helping political prisoners.

They told me I was detained as a suspect in a criminal case under Article 361, part 4, point 2, and that there would be a search. For some reason, they wanted to go to our old apartment, which we sold in the fall, but they didn’t know about that. When they learned we lived at a different address, they were confused, as they couldn’t conduct a search anymore, although they really wanted to. They suggested inspecting the apartment, and I agreed because I had nothing to hide.

– The search warrant was for the old address?

– Yes. We went home. It was more of an inspection than a real search—very superficial. They were interested in our Belarusian-language books. We are a Belarusian-speaking family, and our five-year-old son also speaks Belarusian. All our children’s books are in Belarusian. They found a Belarusian-language Bible, which they found strange. They walked through our home as if it were a museum, though it’s just an ordinary house.

They gave me papers to sign about non-departure and non-disclosure—they were very concerned that no one would find out that I had been detained. They also seized our refrigerator and TV.

– How did they explain that?

– I asked if I could put sausage in the fridge. They said, "Of course, put it in." This was in case there was a trial and we had to pay compensation to the state. If we didn’t have money, they would take our things.

– What happened next?

– They took me to the Investigation Department of the Zavodsky District. They gave my husband a lift to Minsk, as we lived in Sokil. He went to pick up our child from daycare, and I was taken to the investigation department. There was an interrogation by the investigator, but not immediately because she was busy, and I waited a long time—an hour and a half, maybe more.

The interrogation was very superficial. The investigator didn’t understand the case or what they wanted from me. I realized they were overwhelmed with cases since they had arrested so many people. It all felt very easygoing. Meanwhile, the KGB officers were inspecting my gadgets—my laptop and phone. Then they took me to the district police station for some reason, already in handcuffs. They chained me to bars in the hallway, where another detained woman was. Later, both of us were taken to Akrestsina.

– How long did you stay at Akrestsina, and what were the conditions there?

– I was there for three days, not full days. There were no humane conditions. No mattresses, no bedding. The toilet barely worked, the flush was broken, and it smelled horrible in the cell. It was very cold and damp, very uncomfortable. There were 11 of us in a cell meant for 6 people.

– Why were you released after three days?

– They didn’t explain. They just told me I was now on the no-exit list and didn’t give me my passport, saying they hadn’t had time to put me in the database of people not allowed to leave. I realized it was a lie because why would they need my passport to put me on that list?

– What’s your current status?

– No one told me what my status is. When I fled Belarus, I found out I had been listed as a suspect. Since then, I haven’t received any letters or information.

– Did you evacuate from the country?

– Yes.

– Are you now with your son and husband?

– They left first, and I followed. We are now in Lithuania.

– How have you adapted to your new location?

– So far, the adaptation has been quite difficult. We didn’t immediately find an apartment, and the money to rent came later. In short, organizing everything took some time. We just recently managed to get our child into daycare. He was with us the whole time because daycare only accepts children starting in September. So, it was also hard for him to understand the situation. He used to go to daycare and study, but now everything has changed.

– Was he in a Belarusian-language daycare in Belarus?

– Yes. Now he goes to a Lithuanian-Polish one, where Polish is the main language.

– Are there no Belarusian-language daycares here?

– There are. We even registered at one, and they agreed to accept us right away. But after meeting with the teacher, we decided it was better to go to the Polish-Lithuanian daycare.

– How is your child adapting to the new environment?

– He’s doing fine. He’s picking up Polish quite easily and is surprised at how much he understands. Honestly, he has adapted better than we have (laughs). He’s already made friends, although it was hard at first.

– What is the situation with your husband’s work?

– My husband recently received a residence permit but doesn’t have a permanent job yet, only part-time gigs in his profession. He’s an actor and a dubbing specialist. For now, he’s working on construction.

– How is your legalization process going?

– We’ll see how it goes when it’s time to get refugee status. I fled without a passport, which was left at the Investigative Committee. Since I arrived here illegally, I automatically went through the refugee status procedure. We’ll see if we get it.

What are you currently doing?

- We are working on narrating Belarusian-language books and continue to help political prisoners, organizing care packages within Belarus. What we did before, we continue doing now: writing letters and providing support.

Do you have an answer for how to free the political prisoners?

– I don’t have a clear answer. I believe that a significant path has already been traveled. A certain course has been set, and I think we need to continue following it. I’m very glad people are being released, but I know for sure that even more are being detained than before. I don't see any humanity in these releases.

I think that Lukashenko simply needs something. What exactly, I don't know because he's a disturbed person. Maybe he needs recognition, or he doesn’t like the status quo, or perhaps he wants sanctions lifted. These are questions that need to be posed directly to him. I believe pressure on the regime must be intensified.

I myself am suffering from these sanctions. For example, we legally brought my car out of the country, but now I must re-register it with Lithuanian plates by January 18, and I physically can’t do that because I don’t have a permanent residence permit or a passport. I can’t sell it, nor send it back to Belarus. And I’m left wondering: whom should I give it to—Lukashenko or Nausėda?

I understand that this is also part of the sanctions policy, but it seems misdirected. Yet, at the same time, I get that it’s impossible to impose sanctions without affecting ordinary people. I believe this regime only understands strength. If it’s not military strength, then it must be political. I’m really hoping for concrete steps from European leaders in this direction, particularly regarding the release of political prisoners.

– Imagine you're speaking to someone who left during the 2020 protests. If they came back to Belarus now, what would stand out to them? What’s changed since the summer and fall of 2020?

– There's nothing alive left. I once read a post by journalist Zmitser Pankavets saying everything in Belarus is normal, life goes on. But in reality, there’s nothing—no life at all. My husband and I are creative people, and I know there are no worthy or adequate events anymore. There are few people on the streets. In the summer, of course, young people come out, but that doesn’t mean the full functioning of society. And the same is true with education. I know what’s happening in the kindergartens. It’s all connected. God forbid, if we endure another four years of this “hell,” it will become even more apparent.

– Did your son encounter any ideology in kindergarten in Belarus?

– No, we were lucky. Initially, my son was under the care of a very good Belarusian-speaking teacher who gave him a lot of love. I hope now he’ll find a new kind of love, but it will still be love.

– In your opinion, how much longer can Lukashenko stay in power?

– I think this regime is very personalistic. I’m not exactly waiting for him to be gone, but I’m certain that problems won’t be solved instantly. However, it will shake the system to some extent.

I think even among officials, very few are happy with the situation in Belarus because they all have families, children. I don’t pity them—they chose to live in fear and support this system. But when Lukashenko is gone, I’m confident something will begin to change. Even if a Russian puppet comes to power, I doubt they will continue torturing people in prisons. The new government won’t need to keep persecuting those who protested or dissented. Everyone is tired of it.

And what will the security forces do? They’ve been detaining people for four years. They’ll have to adapt somehow, but they will adjust to the new authority—they’re that type of people. I believe things will change after his departure. In which direction, I can’t say, but "Lukashism" won’t last long.

If it were real "Lukashism," there would be an ideology. But there’s no ideology, no creativity, or other viewpoints. There's just one law, and that’s it. But even in autocracies, it doesn’t work like that. So, there’s no future for the regime.

– How much longer do you think this regime will last in Belarus?

– Everything hinges on Lukashenko. These arrests are his personal grudges. He’s hurt and traumatized. I believe that with his departure, some changes will begin. That doesn’t mean life will immediately get better, or that Belarus will suddenly move toward democracy. But the repressions may ease, and positive changes could start to happen in that direction.
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